Alternatives to Cartography by Jeroen van Craenenbroeck

By Jeroen van Craenenbroeck

Within the Nineteen Eighties generative grammar well-known that practical fabric is ready to undertaking syntactic constitution in conformity with the X-bar-format. This perception quickly ended in a substantial bring up within the stock of practical projections. the fundamental concept at the back of this line of theorizing, which works by way of the identify of cartography, is that sentence constitution could be represented as a template of linearly ordered positions, each one with their very own syntactic and semantic import. lately, even though, a few difficulties were raised for this technique. for instance, sure combos of syntactic parts can't be linearly ordered. In gentle of such difficulties a few substitute bills were explored. a few of them suggest a brand new (often interface-related) set off for circulation, whereas others search replacement technique of accounting for numerous notice order styles. those choices to cartography don't shape a homogeneous workforce, nor has there to date been a discussion board the place those rules might be in comparison and faced with each other. This quantity fills that hole. It bargains a diversified and in-depth view at the place taken via a considerable variety of researchers within the box this day on what's possibly the most hotly debated and debatable concerns in present-day generative grammar.

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Although the rule in (23) generalizes over aboutness topics and contrastive topics, the syntax of these two types of topics is not identical. As argued in the introduction, [contrast] licenses A’-movement (see (5)). This generalization seems to extend to Japanese: it has been argued that contrastive topics bind an A’-trace, while aboutness topics are base-generated in a left-peripheral position and can be associated with an (empty) resumptive pronoun (Saito 1985 and Hoji 1985, but see Kuroda 1988 and Sakai 1994 for an opposing view).

Thus, the contrast in (6a) is based on the expression λx [John has given Mary x], while the contrast in (7a) is based on λx ∃y [y has given Mary x]. If y is interpreted as ‘someone’, then (6a) and (7a) differ in the set of alternatives from which the contrastive focus is selected, namely the set of things that John would give Mary versus the set of things that someone would give Mary. The proposal put forward above makes a number of predictions. The first set of predictions has to do with the interaction between DoC marking and well-formedness constraints on information structure.

22 Ad Neeleman, Elena Titov, Hans van de Koot and Reiko Vermeulen The proposal summarized in (10) and (11) entails that the examples in (6) and (7) differ as to whether or not the embedded subject is included in the domain of contrast. This is because both are movement structures and, given that the sister of the landing site of A’-scrambling is the domain of contrast, the status of the subjects in the examples in (6) differs from that of the subjects in the examples in (7). Note that in the absence of A’-scrambling the subject could of course be included in the domain of contrast.

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